Arun Goyal | 08 Aug, 2006
The Doha Round of trade negotiations
was put into deep freeze on 24 July, after a meeting of ministers from
six key trading nations collapsed over divisions on how to cut farm
subsidies and tariffs. Even though Lamy said that some potential
compromise numbers were informally floated at the 14-hour long G-6
meeting on 23 July, the divisions on agriculture were so pronounced
that industrial tariffs were not even directly addressed.
“It will not be possible to finish the round by the end of 2006,” WTO
Director-General Pascal Lamy told an informal meeting of all Member
delegations the day after ministers from the EU, the US, Australia,
Brazil, India and Japan – the so-called G-6 – failed once again to
bridge their differences. Saying that “the gaps remain too wide,” he
recommended suspending the talks indefinitely.
The suspension halts all negotiations currently underway at the WTO.
Another G-6 ministerial meeting, which had been scheduled for the end
of this week, has been canceled. Lamy said that the end of the timeout
would depend on Members.
Agriculture Subsidies, Market Access
This is the most serious crisis in the WTO’s decade-long history. The
WTO was also discussed in the G8 summit in St. Petersburg which called
for greater flexibility in the trade talks.
The Triangle without a center point
Lamy has long held that unblocking the negotiations would require
parallel progress on a ‘triangle’ of issues: the US would have to agree
to deeper cuts to domestic farm support; the EU to increased
agricultural market access, and developing countries such as Brazil and
India to lower industrial tariffs. Each group has been urging the
others to budge first. Following the St. Petersburg summit, G-6
ministers set up the two meetings in Geneva to attempt to translate the
promises of increased flexibility into a modalities deal.
Bilaterals too substitute WTO
In the wake of the latest setback, many governments have promised to
step up efforts to pursue bilateral and regional trade agreements,
which already stand accused of weakening the multilateral trading
system.
The blame game – who did it.
The EU openly blamed US intransigence for the collapse. “Having been
mandated by heads of government at the G8 to come together to indicate
further flexibility, I felt that each of us did, except the United
States,” EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson told the press after the
talks were halted. “The United States was unwilling to accept, or
indeed to acknowledge, the flexibility being shown by others in the
room and, as a result, felt unable to show any flexibility on the issue
of farm subsidies.”
The US’ proposal to cut trade-distorting farm subsidies by 53 percent
is projected to slash its current spending limit from USD 48.2 billion
to roughly USD 22.5 billion – which is still higher than the USD 19.7
billion that it actually doled out in such payments last year.
Washington hit back with accusations of its own. The US trade mission
in Geneva issued a statement on 25 July describing the EU’s views as
“false and misleading,” warning that Brussels’ “blamesmanship and
finger pointing” risked jeopardising “the few chances we have left to
save the Doha Round.”
US officials insist that they had come to Geneva prepared to offer
further cuts to their domestic subsidies, but did not do so only
because the EU and India failed to table meaningful improvements on
agricultural market access. Schwab claimed that when she communicated
the US’ flexibilities privately to Lamy, he conceded that the
differences between Members’ positions remained irreconcilable.
The US continued its criticism of the exceptions to farm tariff cuts
that the EU and many developing countries have been seeking, arguing
that they were looking for loopholes to avoid liberalisation.
Mandelson rubbished the US’ complaints, saying that the EU had, during
the G-6 meeting, offered to go from its original proposal of a 39
percent average cut to farm tariffs to about 51 percent – “close to the
[54 percent] level requested by the G-20 group of developing
countries.” He also said that he had indicated that he was “ready to
talk about the number and treatment of sensitive products,” which will
be subject to lower tariff cuts in exchange for expanded import quotas.
US Agriculture Secretary Mike Johanns argued that Brussels was
exaggerating the extent to which these quotas were likely to expand
under its proposal.
Washington has asked for tariff cuts of close to 66 percent. It wants
the EU to agree to deeper tariff cuts since they will serve as the
basis for calculating increased access to growing developing country
markets like China and India.
US farm and business groups, as well as members of Congress, lauded
Schwab and Johanns for refusing to budge on domestic support in the
absence of gains in market access.
Kamal Nath Says No Compromise on Subsidies
The Indian minister was incensed at the US’ demands, saying that
Washington was seeking to displace millions of subsistence farmers with
subsidised products. Nath said that the notion that subsidy cuts should
be paid for in market access represented a ‘gap in mindset’ that would
need to be transcended for the round to succeed. Trade-distorting
subsidies “should not be there to start off with,” Nath added, and “if
developing countries are asked ‘please pay us to remove these
distortions,’ I’m afraid that’s not going to work.”
He emphasised that the US’ position was tantamount to renegotiating the
July 2004 Framework and the Hong Kong Declaration, which provided for
allowing developing countries to assign ‘special products’ lenient
tariff treatment based on food security, livelihood security, and rural
development concerns. India has been seeking to designate as many as 20
percent of products as ‘special,’ but sources suggest that Nath had
indicated some flexibility on the issue during the discussions.
EU Budges on Market Access but US Firm
Both Nath and Amorim recognised “movement” by the EU on market access.
Amorim said that Brussels was nevertheless still short of the G-20
proposal, especially in terms of the significantly lower cuts it was
proposing for the highest tariffs.
Preserving what is on the table
Lamy warned Members of the risk that existing proposals on the
negotiating table might disappear, such as the elimination of
agricultural export subsidies, duty- and quota-free market access for
least-developed country (LDC) exports (albeit with significant
exceptions), and hastened cuts to cotton subsidies. The suspension of
the negotiations put this progress “on hold,” he said.
He has previously indicated his belief that the existing proposals
would make the Doha Round worth two to three times more than previous
trade rounds. Urging Members not to withdraw their proposals, Lamy
suggested that reflecting on what stood to be lost in the talks might
help change different groups’ positions.
Political deadlines complicate resuscitation
Breakdowns are not new to global trade negotiations. The Uruguay Round
talks fell apart in December 1990 and only resumed a year later when
the then-Director-General of the GATT took the controversial step of
coming up with a potential compromise agreement, better known as the
‘Dunkel draft.’ Following the collapse of the Cancun Ministerial
Conference in September 2003, the Doha Round itself saw negotiating
work frozen for about four months, before the US helped revive the
talks in early 2004.
Implications for India
India was one among the six in the group in which negotiations
collapsed. It cannot escape its responsibility in the sinking of the
Doha round. Its commodity and services exporters had great expectations
from Doha and the loss of potential trade will not be easy to make up
in the bilaterals. WTO has greatly benefited Indian exports. India must
find a way revising the Doha process, it can give in on a number of
issues without hurting the local economy. A round of “give” will create
the atmosphere for the subsequent stage of “take”. We should not fall
prey in the culture activism on non issues in the name of security to
the farmer and protection of local industry.
Dispute Settlement Emerges as the New Lobby
If a negotiated deal on reducing farm payments seems increasingly
unlikely, there is a possibility that developing countries may turn
increasingly towards litigation to address their grievances against
rich country subsidy schemes. This might in turn weaken governmental
support for the WTO dispute settlement mechanism, according to several
trade experts.
EU Anti-dumping Investigation on Leather Shoes from China and Vietnam Enters Final Phase
DG External Trade’s investigation into complaints of dumping of leather
shoes from China and Vietnam is now reaching its conclusion. The
investigation confirms the finding of dumping at the provisional stage.
A confidential provisional final analysis and provisional proposals for
definitive measures have now been circulated to Member States and
parties to the case.
Both Member States and parties will comment on the analysis and on the
basis of these comments DG Trade will prepare a proposal for a course
of action that will need to be adopted by the College of Commissioners
in September and would then go to Member States for adoption by early
October.
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This
case concerns only leather shoes from China and Vietnam. This is about
nine pairs of shoes from every 100 pairs bought by Europeans. |
» |
The
European Commission’s provisional investigation concluded that there is
compelling evidence of serious state intervention in the leather
footwear sector in China and Vietnam - cheap finance, tax holidays,
non-market land rents, improper asset valuation. There is dumping
flowing from this state intervention. The EU investigation was
undertaken in factories jointly agreed with the Vietnamese and Chinese
governments. |
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The
European Commission’s provisional investigation concluded that there is
clear evidence of injury to EU producers. Since 2001, closely tracking
the rise in dumped imports, European footwear production has contracted
by about 30%. Some 40000 jobs in the sector have been lost. This is not
related solely to dumped goods. But state-intervention and dumping in
China and Vietnam exacerbate intense competition. |
A deferred duty system
DG Trade has floated the possibility of a deferred duty system that
would allow a specified number of Chinese and Vietnamese shoes to enter
the European Union free of any anti-dumping duty. Shoes entering above
that allowance would be subject to a duty, which would correct the
injurious effects of dumping.
A deferred duty system would provide a substantial allowance of shoes
to enter the EU before the anti-dumping duty would apply. The ad
valorem duty for shoes outside the allowance would be set so as only to
correct the trade-distorting effects of dumping, not to make imports
uncompetitive on the European market.
A deferred duty system would involve a single import license, issued by
EU authorities - with no administrative burden on either China or
Vietnam. The system would ensure predictability with the necessary
certainty for manufacturers and importers. It would balance the needs
of producers, retailers, importers and consumers. However, it is very
important to be clear that DG Trade is still consulting with legal
experts on the technical detail and practicability of such a system and
it remains a provisional proposal.
Import data: leather shoes from China and Vietnam
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Overall EU shoe market 2005: 2.5 billion pairs |
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Leather shoes as % of total EU shoe market: 35% |
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Products covered by provisional measures as % of total EU shoe market: 9% |
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Overall China shoe imports to EU 2005: 1.25 billion pairs |
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China exports 2005, shoes subject to investigation: 206 million pairs |
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China exports 2005, shoes covered by provisional measures: 145 million pairs |
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Overall Vietnam shoe imports to EU 2005: 265 million pairs |
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Vietnam exports 2005, shoes subject to investigation: 119 million pairs. |
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Vietnam exports 2005, shoes covered by provisional measures: 80 million pairs |
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Increase in Chinese leather shoe exports to EU 2004-2005: +450%, |
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Increase in Chinese leather shoe exports to EU 2001-2005:+1000% |
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Increase in Vietnamese leather shoe imports to EU 2004-2005: -1% (largely due to competition from China) |
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Increase in Vietnamese leather shoe 2001-2005: +95% |
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Fall in average unit price for Chinese/Vietnamese leather shoes 2001-2005: China: -32%; Vietnam -20%; average -28% |
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Consumer prices for Chinese/Vietnamese leather shoes have remained stable or risen slightly 2001-2005. |