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Globally active China
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Asad Mirza | 29 Nov, 2021
The aggressive and planned manner in which Chinese companies have
forayed globally, poses a risk not just to the economic interests but
also the defence interests of the collaborating and neighbour nations.
Recent
reports by Wall Street Journal have revealed that the US intelligence
agencies found evidence of construction work on what they believed was a
secret Chinese military facility in the United Arab Emirates, and which
was stopped after Washington's intervention.
It says that
satellite imagery of the Port Khalifa revealed suspicious construction
work inside a container terminal built and operated by a Chinese
shipping corporation, Cosco. It included huge excavations covered in an
apparent attempt to evade scrutiny and apparently for a multi-storey
building.
The Biden administration initiated urgent contact with
the UAE authorities, which appeared to be unaware of the military
activities, according to the WSJ. It said the discussions included two
direct conversations between Joe Biden and Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, in May and August.
The US officials
visited the UAE in late September and presented the intelligence
details to the Emirati authorities. The construction work was suspended
after the US officials recently inspected the Port Khalifa site.
Chinese forays in the Gulf
Basically,
China, the world's largest trading nation, has thrown its weight behind
Abu Dhabi as the Middle East hub for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
and its biggest project is the Khalifa Port. Moreover, it is trying to
expand its presence globally by constructing ports, railways and roads
in partner countries albeit at terms which tilt hugely in its favour,
besides challenging the US interests.
Cosco, the Shanghai-based,
state-owned group that ranks among the biggest shipping companies in the
world, has invested an initial $300 million in the CSP Abu Dhabi
Terminal, the first step in an investment programme that could help make
it one of the biggest ports in the Arabian Gulf over the next five
years. The deal with Cosco is aimed at attracting foreign investment
into the UAE via the Khalifa Industrial Zone of Abu Dhabi (KIZAD), the
huge logistics and manufacturing zone that borders the port.
By
2023, the Port Khalifa is expected to overtake Jebel Ali, just 50 km
away in Dubai, in capacity terms, thus proving once again which is the
strongest emirate in the UAE.
Trade ties have been growing
between China and the UAE since a visit by Abu Dhabi Crown Prince
Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan to Beijing three years ago. Chinese
President Xi Jinping visited the UAE last summer.
In alignment
with their goal of augmenting UAE-China trade, DP World, a UAE owned
company in partnership with Zhejiang China Commodity City Group (CCC)
has also launched the Yiwu Market as part of the first phase of Dubai
Traders Market, located in the heart of Jafza. Dubai Traders Market will
span approximately 800,000 square metres, with Yiwu Market covering
about 200,000 square metres. The market will give traders and businesses
from across the globe access to wholesale discounts with minimised
supply chain costs and turnaround times.
Regional Geopolitics
China's
BRI is a state-sponsored strategy to enhance land and sea trading
infrastructure in Asia, the Middle East and Africa via
multibillion-dollar investments in trading hubs across the eastern
hemisphere, though it has been criticised by some observers for leaving
the partners of Chinese companies in debt, as happened in Sri Lanka and
Venezuela.
In recent times Persian Gulf powers like the UAE,
Saudi Arabia and Qatar have been engaged in expanding their influence in
the Horn of Africa and are busy opening commercial and military
facilities in the Red Sea region. Major global powers like the United
States (US), Japan, China and France have established military bases in
Djibouti. Reportedly, India had also demonstrated interest in opening
the base at Djibouti and Russia has recently announced that it will
establish a military base in Sudan.
China is engaged in
developing major infrastructure projects such as ports and railways in
Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. As a result of these activities, the
littoral and continental space from Sudan in the north to Kenya in the
south has become a focal point of strategic rivalries between regional
as well as global powers.
Chinese ventures in Somaliland
The
port of Berbera and Somaliland's geopolitical location at the
crossroads of West Asia, Horn of Africa and Indian Ocean is likely to
assume increasing strategic importance as the Indo-Pacific rivalries
sharpen. Historically, the strategic location of the port near the
straits of the Bab-el-Mandeb, which is a key maritime choke point for
international trade and global energy security, has attracted foreign
powers. In the last few years, UAE has established a firm foothold at
Berbera. Meanwhile the UAE, Ethiopia and Somaliland have reached an
alliance for developing Berbera Economic Zone.
The Chinese navy
established a facility in Djibouti, its first overseas base, about four
years ago, which was placed within a Chinese-run commercial port, at
Doraleh. In addition in June this year, a new container terminal was
inaugurated at the port of Berbera in the self-governing territory of
Somaliland. Somaliland is a breakaway region of Somalia and is not
recognised by any other state. The port of Berbera is located along the
southern coast of the Gulf of Aden.
For UAE, developing the port
of Berbera and building strategic partnership with Somaliland serves two
inter-related objectives: challenge the pre-eminence of the port
facilities at Djibouti for the shipping enroute to the Suez Canal and
expand its influence in the Horn of Africa. Through its entrenched
presence in Somaliland and in Southern Yemen, UAE is in an enviable
geopolitical position: it can monitor the strategically important Gulf
of Aden closely and shape the strategic affairs of the region.
India's Interests
Gulf
of Aden is an integral part of India's maritime neighbourhood and
sharpening rivalries between major powers underscore the need for
increasing India's strategic presence in the region. India has recently
opened its embassy in Djibouti and has been steadily expanding its
engagement with the Horn of Africa.
Officially, there is no
contact between India and Somaliland. A foothold in Somaliland would
expand India's presence and prove useful in monitoring Chinese
activities in the region.
India could use its ties with the UAE
to forge newer ties with Somaliland. Compared with the unstable politics
and prevailing insecurity in Somalia, democratic Somaliland is stable
and secure. This will also serve its purpose of keeping an eye on the
Chinese activities in the region and be a force to reckon with in the
Gulf of Aden.
(Asad Mirza is a political commentator based in
New Delhi. He writes on Muslims, educational, international affairs,
interfaith and current affairs.)
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